Trump’s ‘Shield of the Americas’ Excludes Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico in Hemispheric Power Play
At a Florida summit, the US president announces a 17-nation military coalition against cartels while sidelining Latin America's three largest economies and democracies.
President Donald Trump on Saturday launched a military coalition explicitly excluding Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico – together accounting for nearly two-thirds of Latin America’s GDP and population – in a hemispheric realignment that prioritizes ideological alignment over strategic partnerships in counter-narcotics operations.
The inaugural ‘Shield of the Americas’ summit at Trump’s Doral golf resort near Miami convened leaders from 12 countries to announce what Trump called the Hill reported as the ‘Americas Counter Cartel Coalition,’ with Washington Examiner confirming 17 nations have signed on. “The heart of our agreement is a commitment to using lethal military force to destroy the sinister cartels and terrorist networks,” Trump declared.
The absence of Latin America’s regional powers marks a departure from decades of US hemispheric security cooperation. CBS News noted that Brazil and Mexico – the region’s two dominant powers – were missing, as was Colombia, described by NBC as “long the linchpin of US anti-narcotics strategy in the region.”
The Coalition’s Composition
According to The Hill, attendees included Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guyana, Honduras, Panama, Paraguay, and Trinidad and Tobago. The selection reflects what The National Interest characterized as the administration’s “enlist and expand” strategy – partnering with ideologically aligned leaders rather than pursuing hemispheric consensus.
The coalition represents approximately one-third of Latin American nations. Notable attendees included Argentine President Javier Milei, El Salvador’s Nayib Bukele, and Chile’s president-elect José Antonio Kast – figures The National Interest described as “emblematic of the recent right-ward shift in the region.”
The initiative represents the first major regional summit organized by Trump since returning to office. It emerged from the canceled Summit of the Americas in December 2025, which the Dominican Republic postponed after Colombia and Mexico threatened to boycott and Trump declined to commit to attending.
Colombia’s Central Role in Counter-Narcotics
Colombia’s exclusion carries particular operational significance. The country has been the cornerstone of US anti-drug efforts for three decades, receiving approximately $10 billion under Plan Colombia through 2015, according to the US State Department. Colombian forces provide Washington with crucial intelligence and are described by the Atlantic Council as having “a thirty-year track record of collaboration” on counternarcotics.
The US Government Accountability Office notes Colombia is the world’s leading producer of cocaine, accounting for over 90% of cocaine seized in the United States. In September 2025, the Trump administration CNN reported that the administration designated Colombia as having “failed demonstrably” in fighting drug trafficking, though funding continued – a symbolic rebuke that strained relations with President Gustavo Petro’s government.
The Donroe Doctrine and Strategic Rationale
The administration frames the initiative through what it calls the “Donroe Doctrine” – Trump’s rebranding of the 1823 Monroe Doctrine. According to The Hill, the doctrine seeks to enlist “established friends” in the Western Hemisphere while “cultivating and strengthening new partners.”
The strategic calculation appears twofold. First, countering Chinese influence: CSIS notes that for most Latin American countries, China is either their top, second, or third trading partner, with China establishing a “three dozen-strong port network” and significant telecommunications infrastructure across the region. Second, asserting military primacy: the State Department described the coalition as leveraging “US military and intelligence assets” unseen in the region since the Cold War.
Trump’s rhetoric explicitly invoked military precedent. “The only way to defeat these enemies is by unleashing the power of our militaries,” he stated, comparing the effort to the anti-ISIS coalition in the Middle East.
- Exclusion of Colombia undermines decades of intelligence-sharing and operational coordination central to interdiction efforts
- Brazil’s absence removes Latin America’s largest economy and a key diplomatic broker from regional security coordination
- Mexico’s exclusion creates operational gaps given cartels’ primary base of operations and the 2,000-mile shared border
- Coalition focuses on willing partners rather than necessary partners, potentially limiting operational effectiveness
Diplomatic Fallout and Regional Reaction
The exclusions reflect deteriorating bilateral relationships. Trump has publicly criticized Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum’s cartel policies and threatened tariffs. Colombian President Petro opposed US-backed drug policies emphasizing eradication over crop substitution. Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s government faced Trump’s tariffs after Brazilian courts convicted former President Jair Bolsonaro – a Trump ally – over coup involvement.
Al Jazeera quoted Gimena Sanchez of the Washington Office on Latin America noting the US “is trying to get countries to agree that they’re not going to have China be one of their primary trading partners, and they really can’t at this point.” Francisco Urdinez of Chile’s Pontifical Catholic University told the outlet that securing meaningful commitments requires Washington to “back up the political alignment with tangible economic benefits.”
The approach represents a calculated gamble. The National Interest warned that “Trump’s approach has already created nationalist backlash in some countries,” citing how efforts to support Bolsonaro “bolstered Trump critic” Lula’s popularity, allowing Brazil to weather US tariffs.
“The US is offering the region tariffs, deportations and militarization whereas China is offering trade and investment.”
– Kevin Gallagher, Boston University Global Development Policy Center
Military Operations and Operational Scope
The coalition commits to joint military operations against cartels. According to Washington Examiner, recent operations include US-Ecuador strikes against narco-terrorist facilities and assistance in killing Jalisco Cartel leader “El Mencho” in February. The administration has conducted boat strikes in the Caribbean since September, leaving approximately 150 dead according to reports.
Former DHS Secretary Kristi Noem was appointed as the first Special Envoy for the Shield of the Americas, with The Hill reporting her role focuses on “immigration and border security issues, immigrants in the country illegally, transnational trafficking and border crossings.”
Historical Precedent and Future Direction
The Monroe Doctrine, first articulated in 1823, originally opposed European colonization in the Western Hemisphere. The US State Department notes its three core concepts: separate spheres of influence for the Americas and Europe, non-colonization, and non-intervention. The 1904 Roosevelt Corollary transformed it into justification for intervention, with the US declaring itself hemispheric policeman.
Richard Feinberg, who helped plan the first Summit of the Americas in 1994, told CBS News that the original summit “projected inclusion, consensus and optimism” with 34 nations, while “the hastily convened Shield of the Americas mini-summit conjures a crouched defensiveness, with only a dozen or so attendees huddled around a single dominant figure.”
| Initiative | Year | Participants | Approach |
|---|---|---|---|
| Summit of the Americas | 1994-2025 | 34 nations | Consensus-based, inclusive |
| Plan Colombia | 2000-2015 | US-Colombia bilateral | $10bn counternarcotics partnership |
| Shield of the Americas | 2026-present | 17 nations (selective) | Military coalition, ideological alignment |
What to Watch
The coalition’s operational effectiveness hinges on whether ideological alignment can substitute for strategic necessity. Colombia processes the vast majority of cocaine reaching US markets. Mexico hosts the cartels’ operational infrastructure and shares a 2,000-mile border with the United States. Brazil’s diplomatic weight and regional influence remain unmatched.
Three indicators will determine viability: First, whether included nations commit forces beyond symbolic participation. Second, whether intelligence-sharing gaps from Colombia’s exclusion can be filled by coalition members with less developed capacity. Third, whether excluded nations pursue closer security cooperation with China – a scenario Congressional Research Service analysts flagged as possible given deteriorating US relations.
Trump travels to Dover Air Force Base later Saturday for the dignified transfer of six US troops killed in Kuwait during operations against Iran – underscoring competing global priorities that may test sustained focus on hemispheric security. The next Americas Counter Cartel Coalition meeting has not been scheduled. Whether the 17 signatory nations translate commitments into coordinated military operations will emerge in coming months as the first operational test of Trump’s reimagined hemispheric order.